A PREVIEW IN SUMMARY OF COLIN JORDAN'S EVIDENCE IN ADDRESSING THE JURY IN HIS FORTHCOMING TRIAL FOR FREEDOM OF SPEECH.
I, John Colin Campell Jordan of Thorgarth, Greenhow Hill, Harrogate, testify as follows:
I am 76 years of age. All of the fifty years and more of my adult life have been devoted to the patriotic purpose of Britain for the British. Now towards the close of my life, I am being persecuted and prosecuted and confronted with punishment for exercising my birthright of free speech in this cause. This is happening because of the political perverts of multi-racialism and anti-patriotism and crypto-communism have taken over. The Judge may not like my expression of my views and may seek to cut me short and stifle me, but you the jury, are entitled and indeed need to know them as relevant and essential in considering my frame of mind, my motive and my intention in relation to the charge against me.
The England I was born into in 1923 and I lived as a boy prior to 1939 was a vastly different, freer and healthier one than that under the Blair regime of 1999. At my school in those days there was not a single black or brown face, whereas in so many schools of today few if any are White. All the boys were light of hair and eye and skin, descendants of the Anglo-Saxon and Celtic peoples to which this land had belonged time out of mind, and to which in its entirety it should be restored. Out of School a coloured person was, in those delightful days, such a rarity as to cause one to stand and stare. One could in freedom criticise jews and negroes without restriction. Patriotism was upheld and promoted without hesitation or hindrance. My views were accepted as normal, not penalised or prohibited. Britain ruled the waves with the most powerful Navy in the world as head of the greatest Empire ever seen. We were a great people in what was truly a Great Britain. That was my background: The Matrix of my outlook since and today.
Then in 1939, in the greatest act of folly in our history, Britain's leaders bowed to alien pressure and foreign interests and staged an interference in foreign affairs of the same nature but immensely greater magnitude than the involvement against Iraq and Serbia in recent times. Britain has never recovered from this colossal error. Those who brought about our involvement in that catastrophic second world war did so for the kind of Britain their sort, their successors have brought about since then, leading up to my presence in the dock here today, accused of the crime of verbally opposing it. These people responsible then and now for Britain's decline and damage, including those of them who act either in the forefront or behind the scenes as my accusers today, are the ones who, since the war, have for multi-racial, global, so-called democracy of today stripped us of our Empire, stripped us of our former Armed Forces; stripped us of our coal mines and other essential industries; stripped our children of their national and racial pride by schoolroom indoctrination; stripped our adults of a great part of their native culture through an alien run and alien minded television which persistently and insistently thrusts coloured persons before us on the screen to familiarise us with them in our homes and so bring acceptance of them in our lives; stripped us of our sole possession of our land and its affairs; and stripped us of our freedom to speak and write against this – as witness my presence here today, branded as a wrongdoer by these wrongdoers. In so doing, these people in parliament and outside who are demanding my punishment as a criminal of free speech stand in reality as the greatest criminals in our history, repulsive renegades, transparent traitors. They are truly the ones who should be standing here today in my place. Behind and with me in spirit stand the great mass of the people of Britain of all past centuries who never countenanced anything other than my principle of BRITAIN FOR THE BRITISH. With my accusers the end in store, destroying the work and beliefs and trust of our Ancestors, is a run-down Britain in which Afro-Asians by influx and fast breeding eventually come to outnumber our own people, reducing them to a degraded minority. This is the ultimate crime they are engaged in. They endlessly rave against Adolf Hitler as the greatest bogey-man of all times but it was not Hitler who planned and promoted the racial ruination of my country: the dissipation of its greatest treasure, its Northern European breed. This has been the work of those who have today put me on trial for exposing and opposing their foul design, a design which amounts to genocide, the final solution against the White people of Britain.
They have proceeded so in this enormity by means of an illicit and illegal law they have contrived to compel conformity to their course of national and racial ruin. This abomination is contained in sections of the Public Order Act 1986, Part 3, which makes it an offence to write what can be made out to be some kind of insult or threat or abuse to some foreign, racial element wrongly residing in Britain – providing them with an easy exercise in enveloping elasticity – and which alleged insult or threat or abuse is in turn alleged to be intended or to be likely to cause some thought or feeling which can be described as the terrible condition of 'Racial Hatred' towards some foreign, racial element. Thereby these virtual dictators – posing as servants of the people, have criminalised in my old age the free speech of my youth as an essential step towards the race mixture of my people. Do you, members of the jury, agree with this? Do you believe that Afro-Asians and jews should be privileged to the extent of being put above and protected from criticism by you in your own country?
My motive throughout my political life has not been hatred of other races. It has been love and concern for my own race. However much I have resented the Afro-Asian invasion of Britain and the inordinate jewish power in it, I have always put the blame and focussed my antipathy on the renegades of my own race who have been ultimately responsible. No matter what Judges may say as pillars of the Establishment of multi-racialism, you, the jury, are not restricted to judging the facts of an accusation. By Ancient right you can also judge the law put forward in an accusation, and, if you consider it wrongful or illicit law because it is injurious to your race and nation, you can acquit anyone accused under that politically concocted law in rightful obedience to that transcendent, highest law of all which commands and authorises the survival and welfare of your race.
Backed by this evil law which must be revoked, my accusers have for 12 whole months and more harassed me in preparation for their performance today. Their Thought Police forced their way into my home on 4 August, 1998 with a maliciously procured search warrant, spending hours ransacking and looting it, taking away masses of my property indiscriminately, regardless of relevance, regardless of the restrictions imposed by the warrant. Then and thereafter they disregarded the provisions of the Police and Criminal evidence act 1984 by which power they purport to act, making themselves transgressors. Not satisfied, these KGB-type Special Branch struck again on the orders of that illegal immigrant, Jack Straw, Blair's Home Secretary, on 31st March 1999. They seized me in the Street in the supposed land of the free, stuck me in a police cell for 10 hours to allow them – without a search warrant and without me being present to see what went on – to force their way again into my home to do whatever they wanted, including installing any listening devices and 'planting' any 'evidence', and to make off with yet more of my possessions, the full extent of which I was prevented from observing, after prying into all my privacy. In the total from both raids they have, for example, misappropriated no less than 4 successively brought typewriters and hundreds of research items.
During the 1939-1945 War we were told our freedom was in peril and that we should defend it with all our might, and that we were fighting to keep BRITAIN FOR THE BRITISH. Well, it is precisely because I have been continuing that fight as they then urged that I am here before you today, and you are here to consider if I am a criminal for so doing my patriotic duty. In that war if you had described to my fellow servicemen exactly what our traitors at Westminster, my accusers, intended to do and have done to this country, they would not have believed you. But if they had believed you, they would have said they were fighting the wrong people, and thereupon turned their guns on the traitors within as their real enemy.
ON THIS TESTIMONY TODAY, MEMBERS OF THE JURY, I ASK YOU TO EXERCISE THE PERCEPTION, TO SHOW FAIRNESS, AND TO MUSTER THE COURAGE DESPITE COURT PRESSURE TO DISTINGUISH WHERE IN THE PICTURE BEFORE YOU LIES THE REAL OVERSHADOWING FAULT. WHO IS GUILTY OF A REAL AND ECLIPSING CRIME? IS IT I WHO HAVE DONE WRONG IN FIGHTING FOR RACE AND NATION AND FREEDOM, OR IS IT MY ACCUSERS WORKING AGAINST RACE, NATION AND FREEDOM? I SUBMIT TO YOU THAT IN ANY PROPER APPRAISAL I DESERVE TO BE ACQUITTED BY YOU, AND MY PERSECUTORS AND PROSECUTORS CONDEMNED BY THAT ACQUITTAL.