Moderne politische Propaganda (Munich: Verlag Frz. Eher Nachf., 1930).
"(a) The most basic form of oral propaganda is the discussion with the individual. This form is still the most effective, since deep contact is established. It is easier to do that in this way than in study groups."
"(b) The study group deepens the idea and educates the party member, and encourages closer contact with citizens who are friendly or at least honestly uncertain about the movement. Through them we win supporters by give and take. Without doubt, the movement from its beginnings built the inner strength it needed and won its best fighters through study groups. Every local group should hold two study groups a month. If in a given month no public meeting is held, it should hold another study group."
"The best success comes through the systematic distribution of advertising material from door-to-door. This should be done only on Sunday mornings so that people can read them at their leisure with their morning coffee."
"(e) The public mass meeting is the place where an authoritative speaker proclaims the aims of our movement and the nature of our worldview with regard to domestic and international events to every class of the population. The meeting is therefore a matter of the prestige of the party and a source of strength. The manner of its preparation is the mark of a good local group or section. One should speak of a "mass meeting" only when the masses will really appear."
The source document was originally written by a Herr G. Stark and published by one Josef Goebbels. This particular tract emphasizes propaganda in urban areas, not the 'countryside'. While the document is dated it is an excellent starting point for anyone considering pro-white movement activities. It would require thoughtful modernizing before redeployment. For example, since 1930 an intermediate category of 'suburb' has appeared in North America. Computers, cheap ink jet printers and the internet did not exist in 1930, either. Still, the document provides a deep insight into the retail methods used by a political movement cut-off from most mass media and often legally persecuted in various ways.
I can think of no greater indictment of the 'leadership' provided by most of our so-called 'leaders' than this booklet. Paragraph (e) in particular reiterates something I've said time and again. Considered against Herr Stark's criteria for mass meetings, what have been advertised as 'mass meetings' by the Blightwing for the last 30 years have done infinitely more harm than good. It is no exaggeration to say that the 'Mass demonstration' as currently conducted in North America is our number one source of weakness.
These 'mass meetings' lack masses, as everyone knows. They typically have less than 100 attendees and almost always 3x or 5x more counter-demonstrators. The conduct and results of these meetings are actively sabotaging the efforts of others working in other channels.
Other significant items are lacking also, such as widely agreed aims. What in fact does the Blightwing propose to do with power if it obtains it? Until this question can be answered in specific detail the non-Movement must necessarily remain a cultural phenomenon of like-minded people. The principle activity will remain confined to offering free and voluntary breeding, and settlement advice on the same basis as "Dear Abby", but with a far more restricted circulation.