Sam Francis has written another good column for the still sleeping on what he terms "the national question".  This one analyzes
current events in the Late Great Britain.  His conclusion is the most worthwhile I've seen for months, or years.

"What kind of party, and what kind of leaders, will it take to undo the damage the elites of Atlantic society have inflicted on their own people?"

Sam Francis of VDARE here asks the two questions whose answers I think most are still not ready to hear.   In various aspects Sam's two questions are nearly the entire subject matter of F.A.E.M. and certainly its reason for existence.

Let's begin to analyze possible solutions to Sam's problem.  His problem assumes that changing the demographic character of a country across racial lines is a bad thing. The damage undoers thus will not include the arsonists and vandals responsible for
creating the perceived demographic mess.  This means any hypothetical party of damage repair cannot be based in the current
elites.  Ergo, if this party is not to be founded on white elites then it can only be based in the white working and middle classes
since these are the only other groupings of whites available.

The last time a party drawing its political strength from the working and middle classes came to power in a mostly white country was March, 1933.  There is thus one historical model to be analyzed.  The questions to asked are what worked, what didn't work, what went right, what went wrong, and what is applicable to some very different conditions on a different continent 70 years later?

This analysis has not yet been done.  Had it been done no one would be running around today wearing imitation Sturm Abteilungen uniforms with Sam Browne belts, to take one microscopic detail.  This is because the analysis would have shown:

a.  ALL German political parties of that era had paramilitary wings.  The Social Democrats had the Reichsbanner, the Nationalists had the Stahlhelm, the Commies had their Red Banner fronts and so on.   Parties without such units weren't serious political parties.  By contrast no American political party has ever done this.  The Judeo-Marxists of the universities omit this dirty little fact about their Marxist ancestors from their theological histories of that era.

b.  Germany was a much smaller country and more heavily urbanized.  U.S.A. population density, especially in white settled areas, is no where close even now to what Germany's was 70 years ago.  The people of political interest to Sam Francis' hypothetical party, whites, are overwhelmingly suburban in their settlement patterns rather than urban as were Germans.

c.  The conclusion in this instance is that Sturm Abteilungen style formations are not only unnecessary but counterproductive in
2001 in North America.  There is no one for such units to oppose and no place for mass political parades in areas where the political groups desired for recruitment congregate.  We have however seen all the disadvantages of anarchism that always arises in uniformed formations not subjected to government empowered discipline.    In the NSDAP of the 1920s-30s this had to be accepted and minimized because of the political conditions described in paragraph a. above.

"What kind of party, and what kind of leaders, will it take to undo the damage the elites of Atlantic society have inflicted on their own people?"

A fusion of the white working and middle classes are the only political grouping who can alter the nation wrecking policies imposed by the white Atlanticist elites.  As I mentioned previously, the last time a political party composed of the white working and middle classes came to power was in March, 1933 in Germany.  A closer look at the platform of such a previously successful political party is in order.  It consisted of 25 points.  These are of interest not because they can be directly copied but because they expressed and addressed the concerns of other white Europeans in a grim social situation.    Look at them as a starting point for thought, not as an ending point to spare the pain of thinking.

Some points, such as Nos. 1-3, are irrelevant to us as stated.  Set  against these are the modern ZOG-USA participation in international bodies with goals openly hostile to the Constitution of the United States of America and to the people for which it was written.  Since 1920 Marxist-Leninist class warfare has been supplemented by open sexual warfare designed to break down the family, reduce white birth rates and pervert the young into miscegenation and sexual deviancy.  Any new platform by a new party for white working and middle class people must take this into account.


The National Socialist German Workers' Party – registered as the "National Socialist German Workers' Union" – at a great mass meeting on February 25, 1920, in the Hofbrauhaus-Festsaal in Munich, announced its program to the world.

In Section 2 of the Constitution of our Party this program is declared to be unalterable. It is as follows:

The program of the German Workers' Party is limited as to period. The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have been achieved, of setting up fresh ones in order to ensure the continued existence of the Party by the artificially inspired discontent of the masses.

1. We demand the union of all Germans, on the basis of the right of the self-determination of peoples, to form a Great Germany.

2. We demand equality of rights for the German people in its dealings with other nation, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and St. Germain.

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of our people and for settling our surplus population.

4. None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation.

5. Anyone who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany only as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to the Alien Laws.

6. The right of voting on the leadership and laws of the State is to be enjoyed by the citizens of the State alone. We demand, therefore, that all official positions, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, the provinces, or the small communities, shall be held by citizens of the State alone. We oppose the corrupt parliamentary custom of filling posts merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference to character or ability.

7. We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promote the industry and livelihood of the citizens of the State. If it is not possible to nourish the entire population of the State, foreign national (non-citizens of the State) must be excluded from the Reich.

8. All further non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans who entered Germany subsequently to August 2, 1914, shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich.

9. All citizens of the State shall possess equal rights and duties.

10. It must be the first duty of every citizen of the State to perform mental or physical work. The activities of the individual must not clash with the interests of the whole, but must proceed within the framework of the community and must be for the general good.

We Demand Therefore:

11. Abolition of incomes unearned by work. BREAKING OF THE THRALLDOM OF INTEREST.

12. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded of a nation by every war, personal enrichment through war must be regarded as a crime against the nation. We demand, therefore, the total confiscation of all war profits.

13. We demand the nationalization of all businesses which have (hitherto) been amalgamated (into trusts).

14. We demand that there shall be profit sharing in the great industries.

15. We demand a generous development of provision for old age.

16. We demand the creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, immediate communalization of the large department stores and their lease at a low rate to small traders, and that the most careful consideration shall be shown to all small traders in purveying to the State, the provinces, or smaller communities.

17. We demand a land reform suitable to our national requirements, the passing of a law for the confiscation without compensation of land for communal purposes, the abolition of interest on land mortgages, and prohibition of all speculation in land.

18. We demand ruthless war upon all those whose activities are injurious to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the nation, usurers, profiteers, etc., must be punished with death, whatever their creed or race.

19. We demand that the Roman law, which serves the materialistic world order, shall be replaced by a German common law.

20. With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious German the possibility of higher education and consequent advancement to leading positions, the State must consider a thorough reconstruction of our national system of education. The curriculum of all educational establishments must be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. Directly the mind begins to develop the schools must aim at teaching the pupil to understand the idea of the State (State sociology). We demand the education of specially gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class or occupation, at the expense of the State.

21. The State must apply itself to raising the standard of health in the nation by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labor, and increasing bodily efficiency by legally obligatory gymnastics and sports, and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the physical training of the young.

22. We demand the abolition of mercenary troops and the formation of a national army.

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lies and their dissemination in the press. In order to facilitate the creation of a German national press we demand that: (a) all editors, and their co-workers, of newspapers employing the German language must be members of the nation; (b) special permission from the State shall be necessary before non-German newspapers may appear (these need not necessarily be printed in the German language); ( c ) non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participating financially in or influencing German newspapers, and the penalty for contravention of the shall be suppression of any such newspaper, and immediate deportation of the non-German involved It must be forbidden to publish newspapers which are damaging to the national welfare. We demand the legal prosecution of all tendencies in art and literature which exert a destructive influence on our national life and the closing of institutions which militate against the above-mentioned requirements.

24. We demand liberty for all religious denominations in the State, so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the moral and ethical feelings of the German race. The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bind itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats the Jewish-materialist spirit within and without us, and is convinced that our nation can achieve permanent recovery from within only on the principle: THE COMMON INTEREST BEFORE SELF-INTEREST.

25. That all the foregoing requirements may be realized we demand the creation of a strong, central national authority; unconditional authority of the central legislative body over the entire Reich and its organizations in general; and the formation of diets and vocational chambers for the purpose of executing the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the various States of the Confederation. The leaders of the Party swear to proceed regardless of consequences – if necessary at the sacrifice of their lives – toward the fulfillment of the foregoing Points.

Munich, February 24, 1920.

After full discussion at the general meeting of members on May 22, 1920, it was resolved that "This program is unalterable." This does not imply that every word must stand unchanged, nor that any efforts to extend or develop the program are to be prohibited, but it does imply that the principles and basic ideas contained in it are not to be tampered with.

There can be no twisting and turning for reasons of expediency, no secret meddling with the most important – and for the present order of politics, society, and economics, most unwelcome – points in the program; no deviation from its original sense.

Adolf Hitler has emphasized the two cornerstones of the program by printing them in heavy type: